Obama has appointed a former Supreme Court clerk and a Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations to oversee his muddled campaign to supposedly eliminate the Islamic State.
Robert Malley is described as a specialist in conflict resolution. He held a number of positions in globalist-linked organizations, including the International Crisis Group. The ICG is a transnational NGO forged by the leaders of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the World Bank. Malley was also active in the J Street project, a nonprofit funded by George Soros.
“Malley’s role is to ensure the countless U.S. agencies fighting IS work in tandem despite differing time zones, capabilities, even views about the conflict,” the Associated Press reported on Friday. “At stake is an extremist threat that has started exporting violence from Syria and Iraq deep into the West, raising fears that the U.S. is losing a battle that Obama concedes will still be raging when he leaves office.”
Malley will work with Brett McGurk, Obama’s Special Presidential Envoy for the Global Coalition to Counter ISIL. A former special assistant to George W. Bush, McGurk also holds the title Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Iraq and Iran at the State Department.
Plan B for Deposing Assad
The Malley appointment reflects the Obama administration’s emerging policy change on Syria. Plan A called for funding and supporting the “rebels” in Syria and forcing al-Assad from power. Now that Russia is assisting Syria and rolling back the jihadists, Plan B is gaining traction, at least within the Obama administration.
“Rather than forcing the regime to the table—essentially to negotiate its own demise—it has led only to a military stalemate that is benefiting the extreme elements of the opposition, including the Islamic State,” writes Malley’s predecessor, Philip Gordon, the former Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs under Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and a senior fellow at the CFR and the Brookings Institution.
Plan B calls for negotiating with al-Assad and making him a partner in the war against the Islamic State. This idea is opposed by neocons who want to bomb al-Assad into oblivion.
In March Secretary of State John Kerry signaled the US may be open to talking with al-Assad. Kerry did not mention, however, the Obama administration’s insistence al-Assad would have to engage “a serious negotiation” about implementing an agreement made in Geneva in 2012.
The Geneva Conference on Syria was a coup by other means. It called for the establishment a transitional governing body and multi-party elections for new institutions and offices proposed by the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. The conference ended in gridlock.
In October al-Assad said he’d be willing to step down from his office if it would end his country’s “civil war,” which is in fact a proxy war designed by the United States, the Gulf Emirates and Turkey.
In the unlikely event elections should take place in Syria there is the distinct possibility they would be subverted by the color revolution gang—USAID, the National Endowment for Democracy, Freedom House, George Soros’ Open Society Institute and a host of public-private NGOs—groups responsible for working behind the scenes to foment the destabilizing force of the so-called “Arab Spring” that has thus far resulted in chaos in Libya and a military dictatorship in Egypt.
The overarching agenda of removing al-Assad and installing a regime more amenable to the geopolitical aims of the global elite has not changed. Obama and his cronies merely want to pursue the endgame more covertly and with less out front violence and avoidance of the sort of chest-thumping braggadocio favored by the neocons.
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